Aluminum casting by Anissa Mack, from Canon Fodder, a show for the 2013 UND Arts & Culture Conference |
And ever since, I’ve tended to agree. Stuff, especially nice
stuff, or quality stuff, or valuable stuff, is nice to have. However, there’s
still this pinging moral signal fighting through the noise of my own
consumption. It’s fuzzy and faint and persistent. It originates in part from
the democratic recognition that the consumer-marketplace is not egalitarian (but is increasingly stylistically so). It originates, in part,
from a tension between what the marketplace categorizes as “nice,” “quality,”
or “valuable” and my own taxonomy of worth.
All this is to say, I like to shop, and I want to live in a
democracy, and I need to figure out how to resolve the tensions between the
market and the polis while trafficking in a communication environment that
increasingly blurs the difference between politics and consumerism (and not
consumption, because that’s tuberculosis).
That’s the story I use to open my course on consumer
communication. Our communication environment—public, private, social, civic,
commercial—increasingly operates on a logic of what Michael Warner explains as
“iconicity.” Messages need to differentiate themselves in a market where
communication engagement is not necessarily measured in dialogue or engagement
but in mere attention. This logic would seem to flatten our social and
political communication, and even more troubling, eliminate the reciprocity
that makes democracy possible.
And all of that might be true, but invariably some student
will figure it out: how do we escape the totalizing force of this market logic?
I’ll say this about the students at the University of North Dakota: they
intuitively understand how commerce renders a place recognizable and how the
messy ethics of the market aren’t so easily avoided. When you live in the
middle of nowhere, your aspirational geographies are mapped by consumer
landmarks (and so Grand Forks looks toward Fargo’s bigger mall, Fargo looks
toward Minneapolis’s Mall of America, Minneapolis looks toward Chicago’s
Magnificent Mile, and Chicago pretends it isn’t whiplashed glancing between the
coasts). When you live in the middle of nowhere, that place seems less remote
when an Olive Garden pops up in town and you can all of a sudden see your
hometown (or, if we believe Olive Garden, your family) in the commercials on
national network television. When you live in the middle of nowhere, you have
fewer options for equipping yourself for modern life, and so fewer avenues for
renegotiating the ethical and democratic practices of consumerism (which is to
say, sometimes Wal-Mart is the only place affordable and otherwise accessible
for procuring food and clothing during the long, cold winters of the northern
prairie).
And so, the marketplace produces the kind of
recognizability, commensurability, and iconicity that make community possible,
but that community seems averse to the kinds of reciprocity, equality, and
unity that we hope for in our democracies. In many ways, this conundrum
sets up a Matrix-like challenge. Do we take the blue pill and decide that,
whatever its faults, the commercial sphere is filled with nice stuff? Or, do we
take the red pill and seek an ideal form of democracy while at the same time
getting rid of the supposedly superficial stuff and its attendant quality of
niceness?
Of course, Aristotle (and all sorts of other philosophers
and philosophies) notes that any virtue can exist in excess or poverty, and so
any virtue must be practiced appropriately and proportionately. A poverty of
courage is cowardly and an excess of courage is reckless. A poverty of consumer
communication is anti-modern, it denies the material conditions of democracy
and everyday life that confront citizens—who, whether the ancient democratic
traditions are equipped for it or not, spend at least some portion of their day
as consumers. An excess of consumer communication, conversely, is
anti-democratic, it explicitly traffics in private interests (the private
interest of commercial profit and consumer self-interest) and draws its
communicative force from a kind of paradox of belonging (“be like the cool
kids”) and elitism (“because the cool kids aren’t like everybody else”).
The concerns over democracy, belonging, and market efficiency,
coupled with the golden mean, allow us to position consumer communication as a
pivot for articulating our relationship to political modernity (which is to
say, a modern world where the mechanisms by which we identify ourselves and our
communities are fraught with consequences for both ourselves and our
communities). How do we balance public- and self-interest? How do we maintain
our own identities in the face of the anonymity of group belonging? How do we
keep our families fed and clothed and connected and secure while also ensuring
our consumer choices don’t deny other families those privileges? And for my
students, who come to a class like Advertising and Society much less interested
in what Advertising does to them than what they can do for the industry of
Advertising, how can we work within the consumer-communication marketplace in
ways that make these meaningful distinctions useful for industry and individual
alike?
To answer those questions, we need to first consider various
descriptions and definitions of advertising. For instance, reading Roland
Barthes on detergent and margarine (from Mythologies) produces a different kind
of account than reading Marshall McLuhan on Ads from Understanding Media. Both
of those accounts differ from the industry-standard account of advertising that
can be found in Winston Fletcher’s Advertising: A Very Short Introduction.
We’ll examine those differences in anothert post.
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